is jazz 'black' music? (abridged)
commentary by angela y. davis
published between 27 january and 23 june 2003
 
The San Francisco Jazz Organization (SFJAZZ) presented Jazz and Race: Black, White, and Beyond, a three-day symposium and dialogue panel as part of its "Spring Season". This is a partial transcript of that symposium's first event (held Friday, March 30th)—a panel discussion which, originally, also featured professor/author Dr. Harry Edwards (moderator), saxophonist Steve Coleman, author Nat Hentoff, Blue Note Records president Bruce Lundvall, and author Richard M. Sudhalter. An excerpt of the panel discussion may also be found in the September 2001 issue of JazzTimes magazine.
 
advanced notions | volume 1 number 11
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published since January 2003 | Advanced Notions (formerly Bonus Writings, a well-received section of patsymooreDOTcom) consists of engrossing 'think pieces' by friends and favorites.

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OK. I want to try to raise some other kinds of questions. I want to try to make a few observations about popular understandings of Jazz and about prevailing ideas on the significance of race—particularly within the contemporary context. And I want to begin by saying that understanding social, political, cultural phenomena is as much a function of the kinds of questions we pose as it is of the answers that we devise to those questions.


So, in response to the question "Is Jazz Black?"—and I guess I could also say, in response to the question, "Is Jazz White?"—I want to raise some questions that might be intentionally—but I hope, also, insightfully—provocative. And I want to preface my questions by saying, forthrightly, that Jazz as we know it—and the many music, dance, literary, film practices that have been sports practices spawned and influenced by Jazz—are inconceivable except in the complex context of Black culture in the Americas.

I want to actually quote Robert O'Meally from his anthology, The Jazz Cadence of American Culture. And he says, "Somehow Jazz is Black music with the voices and values of U.S. Negro life and times, even when non-Blacks are playing it for, as literary historian Gina Dent has asserted, 'You don't have to be Black to be a carrier of Black culture.'"


In the same breath, O'Meally's quote continues: "It is the music of the country that its creators, often with little affection, call home. Call it freedom music with a tragicomic Black arc."


Now, our thinking today about Jazz and race is inevitably influenced by the recent Ken Burns documentary. And also about our commonsense notions of what constitutes race or racism, racial equality and, of course, American democracy. It is argued, of course, that Jazz is the United States' most original musical offering to the world. And if we, I suppose, forget about the recent elections, we can say that the United States represents the triumph of democracy in the world. Thus, if Jazz is American music par excellence, it must also be democratic music. So I want to ask, what does it mean to talk about Jazz as democratic music? Do we refer to the form and structure of the music, the dialectical interplay of solo and group collaboration? Are we talking about the creative resolution of the contradiction between the individual and the community? Is Jazz a utopic site for the practice of democracy—racial democracy? Or, I want to ask, should we also consider—apart from the music and in relation to the music—the apparatus through which Jazz is produced for popular consumption?


Now, one of the most poignant moments in Ken Burns' documentary, for me, was the story Dave Brubeck told about the appearance of his picture on the cover of Time magazine, as the first Jazz musician to be so honored, before, of course, Duke Ellington. And the irony was that Duke Ellington brought him the magazine and informed him that he was on the cover of Time.


The notion of democracy we usually take for granted, I want to suggest, is linked to ideologies of capitalism. The individual proves his worth—his worth on the capitalist market and somehow, through individual competition harmony, is created by the invisible hand. Whenever I heard Wynton Marsalis evoking democracy among the great Jazz heroes, I couldn't help thinking about Adam Smith's invisible hand.


But this is, of course, the 21st century, the era of global capitalism, along whose circuits music—Jazz, and many other musics—now travel. So that this obsolete notion of laissez faire capitalism—this notion still informs our ideas about both capitalism and democracy. And it is an obsolete notion.


So, I want to raise questions about the marketing of music and musicians. And again, to be intentionally provocative, I attended the concert here not too long ago, with Dianne Reeves and Jane Monheit. The question I would ask is why a Jane Monheit receives so much media attention when a Dianne Reeves has been making music for decades and has never been featured on the cover of The New York Times magazine. And, of course, there is the issue of Eminem which I won't mention. So I have another question. Is Jazz colorblind? What does it mean to raise questions today about the relation between race and Jazz in the era of the decline of affirmative action and the disenfranchisement of vast numbers of Black people, especially those who have been convicted of felonies?


But, also, what does it mean to raise these questions at a time when the dominant discourse tells us that race is declining in significance but, nevertheless, we see a persistent preoccupation with—and anxiety about—race? Look at the cover—the front page of today's San Francisco Chronicle about Whites now constituting a minority population in California, given the increase in the Latino population.


What does it mean to raise questions about race when we have, supposedly, developed a far too sophisticated appreciation of race to assume that race is always about a Black/White opposition that needs to be resolved in a more harmonious relation? And don't we know that race is not always gender as male? Do we really think that racism is an unfortunate social problem to be solved by developing harmonious race relations—good relations between Black and White men, who know how to get along with each other both within and outside Jazz?


I said I wanted to be a little provocative.


Dominant Jazz historiography—and, certainly, the historiography that framed Ken Burns' Jazz—has a hard time explaining the place of musicians who are neither Black nor White. Consider the important contributions of Cuban, Puerto Rican, Brazilian musicians. And it has a hard time moving away from the assumption that Jazz musicians are quintessentially male. Legitimate women musicians are described almost always as playing as well as a man. And I always wonder, 'Who is this man?', you know? Any man?


Lil Harden is mentioned in the documentary, I think, only as the first wife of the most ubiquitous Jazz figure in the film, Louis Armstrong. Mary Lou Williams receives short shrift. A few vocalists, of course—Billie Holiday, Ella Fitzgerald, Sarah Vaughan—are alluded to, but Toshiko Akiyoshi, for example, is not mentioned. Flora Bryant, whom Dizzy Gillespie once pointed to as one of the finest trumpet players, is not mentioned. Melba Liston, the trombonist. And, of course, these are only a couple of a vast group of women instrumentalists who seem to remain relegated to that field of Jazz studies that is associated with women's studies—the works of Sally Plaxon, Linda Dahl and, most recently, Sherrie Tucker's Swing Shift:"All-Girl" Bands of the 1940s.


So, finally, if we are going to talk about race and Jazz, we need to consider the complicated way race still profoundly structures our economy, our ideologies, including—and especially—our ideas about gender. For Jazz music is always more than the music that moves, inspires, and educates us. And that music in turn is always more than the social terrain on which it is produced. Jazz music does, indeed, suggest the possibility of something like the practice of freedom.

 
 
 

ANGELA Y. DAVIS was born 26 January 1944 in Birmingham, Alabama. The activist, author, and academic received a B.A. from Brandeis University in 1965. She later studied as a doctoral candidate at the University of California, San Diego, under the Marxist professor and One Dimensional Man (1964) author, Herbert Marcuse. Davis joined the Communist Party in 1968 and suffered discrimination, like many Blacks at that time, for her personal political beliefs and commitment to revolutionary ideals. Despite her qualifications and excellent teaching record, the California Board of Regents refused to renew her appointment as a philosophy lecturer in 1970.


Davis worked to free the Soledad (Prison) Brothers, African-American prisoners held in California during the late 1960s. She befriended George Jackson, one of the prisoners. On 7 August 1970, during an abortive escape and kidnap attempt from Marin County's Hall of Justice, the trial judge and three people were killed, including Jackson's brother Jonathan. Although not at the crime scene, Davis was implicated when police claimed that the guns used had been registered in her name. Davis fled underground and was consequently listed on the FBI's Top 10 Most Wanted Criminals list, sparking one of the most intensive manhunts in recent American history. Californian Governor Ronald Reagan publicly vowed that Davis would never teach in that state again. She was captured in New York City, in August 1970, but was freed eighteen months later and cleared of all charges in 1972 by an all White jury. During this period an international 'Free Angela Davis' movement had grown, and Davis used the momentum to found the National Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression, which remains active today.


Davis resumed teaching at San Francisco State University after the fiasco, and has subsequently lectured in all 50 US states, as well as internationally—throughout Europe, Africa, the Carribean, Russia, and the Pacific. Her acclaimed books exploring the institutionalization of racial politics include If They Come In The Morning (1971), Angela Davis: An Autobiography (1974), Women,Race and Class (1981), Women, Race and Politics (1989), Blues Legacies and Black Feminism (1999) and The Angela Y. Davis Reader (1999).


Currently a member of the Advisory Board of the Prison Activist Resource Center, Davis now focuses on exposing racism that is endemic to the US prison system (which she calls 'The Punishment Industry', in deference to unmonitored corporate culture and increasingly totalitarian privatization schemes), and exploring new ways to deconstruct oppression and race hatred.


Controversy and her radical past still haunt her: In 1994, Republicans objected to her appointment to a presidential chair at the University of California, Santa Cruz, where she is currently a professor in the History of Consciousness Department. Her revolutionary politics and academic writings provide a link from 1960s groups like the Black Panthers to contemporary cases including Leonard Peltier and Mumia Abu Jamal. Ultimately, Davis represents a revitalizing force in New Left politics [She was at the forefront of Gulf War protests in the United States that were censored by the mainstream media] and individual life-affirming cultural studies (particularly blues and hip-hop music). She remains a powerful role-model for the Black Consciousness movement.


Copyright © Alex Burns

 
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